Except for a brief period, E.M has not enjoyed genuine freedom of expression and the right of access to real information. Being a public limited company, it is governed by a board of directors which makes the policy. PBC is an own statuary corporation created by an act of Parliament.
Its Memorandum of Association clearly defines carrying out instruction of the government with regard to general pattern of the policy. Therefore, PTV’s and PBC’s broadcast policy has always been part of the overall information policy of an incumbent government, which is usually decided by the chief executive of the country.
Since the inception of PTV, six men and one woman have ruled Pakistan and have called the shots. And PTV has had to obey and oblige.
Some of them, irrespective of the circumstances, have used PTV for their own politics and policies. In the process, some changed the country’s history and some even geography.
Field Marshal Ayub Khan
Television was introduced to Pakistan during President Ayub Khan’s rule. It became his privilege and prerogative to formulate TV policy, which he did exercise to the fullest. His policy became PTV’s manifesto for a long time. However, Ayub could not benefit from television as much as he would have wanted to. It was probably because television was then in its infancy stage, short of adequate technical and financial support, and reach.
While inaugurating the pilot TV station in Lahore in 1964, Ayub set the main objectives of television in very clear terms. He declared: “Whatever shape television takes the government would have the main say in the formulation of its policy and in the projection of views and ideas.” He also stressed on education, entertainment, development and national cohesion.
Three years later, detailed guidelines were issued as the national television policy, at the inauguration ceremony of the Central Television Institute at Chaklala, Rawalpindi. Ayub said he wanted TV to:
- show glimpses of the past history to draw correct lessons;
- emphasize on Islamic ideology;
- draw people’s attention towards the achievements of national objectives, unity and development; and
- promote government’s achievements in the fields of economic, science, and technology.
In spite of his dislike for the press, Ayub’s information policy was not very harsh. He did not pressure the media directly; he let the bureaucrats do the dirty job. However, he ensured that the media agencies and organizations were headed by civil servants and his loyalists.
The celebrations of the “Decade of Development” in 1968 were the beginning of Ayub’s downfall. And television’s role was cut out. The ridiculously exaggerated development claims became a laughing stock.
To top it all, the celebrations were poorly planned and badly executed. Altaf Gauhar, the planner of the celebrations, admitting that the whole thing was a fiasco, said: “One day President Ayub asked the information secretary: ‘Is the tamasha about the decade of reforms still going on?”’
General Yahya Khan
General Yahya Khan succeeded Field Marshal Ayub Khan. He had been Ayub’s second-in-command in the army. Gen Yahya’s interest in television was lukewarm. He issued no special instructions or directives; PTV enjoyed considerable freedom as compared to the Ayub era.
On March 25, 1969, General Yahya, the army chief, received a letter from President Ayub Khan informing him about his decision to step down as president as the country was in utter disorder and chaos. Within hours the nation knew about it. Gen Yayha was well-known for being a happy-go-lucky man.
Yahya started very well. The disturbances in the country came to an abrupt end, law and order was restored without any difficulty, the country rallied around him and gave full support.
Yahya promised the nation he would dissolve One Unit; revive the three minority provinces – Sindh, the NWFP and Balochistan; free and fair election on the basis of direct adult franchise; and that prior to the transfer of power the task of making a workable constitution would be entrusted to the elected representatives.
He allowed a fair degree of freedom, more than his predecessors, to the press and even to the state media. He did not ban political parties. Political leaders were allowed to appear on radio and TV for the projection of their party programmes.
The General Elections 1970 are remembered for fairness, outcome and remarkable television coverage.
By now Yayha had become a “casual” president. Most decisions were taken, supposedly for the right reason, but often at the wrong time.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
Charismatic and popular Zulfikar Ali Bhutto rose from the ashes of the fire that burned the Eastern Wing of Pakistan in 1971. His slogan Roti, Kapra aur Makan (food, clothing and shelter) made him darling of the people and the press during his terms, first as president and then prime minister.
Bhutto came to power after the 1971 Indo Pak War. He arrived from New York on December 20, 1971 to take over from Gen. Yahya Khan. From the airport he was taken to the Punjab House in Islamabad where top leadership of the Pakistan People’s Party had gathered.
The moment red light was on he looked for a few seconds into the lens of the camera and began his first speech as president:
“I have come at a very late hour, at a decisive moment in the history of Pakistan…. We are facing the worst crisis in our country’s life – a deadly crisis. We have to pick up the pieces, very small pieces, but we will make a new Pakistan, a prosperous and progressive Pakistan, a Pakistan free of exploitation, a Pakistan envisaged by Quaid–e–Azam. “
This was a historic occasion – the first live televised address to the nation by an elected leader of the country.
Bhutto appointed the young and energetic Abdul Hafiz Pirzada as information minister with instructions to put the media, particularly radio and TV, on the right path. New appointments were made in every government department including radio and TV – secretary information.
Bhutto was sharp, more than his predecessors. He knew exactly the benefits and best use of the print and electronic media. He had included a chapter on information policy in the party manifesto. Therefore, a party information secretariat was established.
Bhutto was the first ruler in Pakistan who personally handled his information policy.
General Zia-ul-Haq
After Bhutto came the third khaki, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, Chief of the Army Staff, to rule Pakistan. He considered himself a “soldier with a mission”. He turned the media around 360 degrees trying to Islamise everyone and everything possible using the media, particularly television.
Soon after taking over as Chief of Marshal Law Administrator in 1977 Gen. Zia-ul-Haq forced PTV/ PBC to introduce certain changes –
- Short daily programmes at intervals to convey the basic Islamic teachings like offer prayers, give Zakat, speak the truth, love the poor, adopt simplicity and abstain from ills like theft, hoarding, black marketing and profiteering.
- Select basic thoughts and repeat them – repetition may be boring but it sinks.
- Introduce Azan on radio and television.
- The Bible and Torah are being propagated through simple stories the same should be done for teachings of Islam.
Gen. Zia did not leave it at that, his next address to the nation included more directives for the PTV – the emphasis was on Islamic values. As a result PTV started producing programs on Islamic themes, particularly for the youth; telops with quotations from the Holy Quran and Ahadees had become part of daily transmission; programs like Mishal-e-Rah, Hikmat-o-Hidayat, Hayya Alas Salah, Iqra, Farman-e-Ilahi and Tafheem-ul-Quran were launched; new Ulema from varied cultures and educational levels were introduced; dance of any kind, except the “male folk dances” was disallowed; music entertainment was reduced to the minimum – no male-female duets were allowed and singers could not move their bodies during songs.
His principal information advisor was his Secretary Information Lt-Gen Mujeeb-ur-Rehman who took unwarranted interest in the affairs of PTV.
Gen. Zia wanted complete control of TV news and current affairs. Gen Mujeeb did exactly that. He was seen every evening in the news room checking and confirming the day’s menu of Khabarnama. He took some very unpopular decisions.
- A series of 14 weekly programs Zulm Ki Dastan focused on tales of torture was launched. The series became highly controversial for being morbid.
- A current affairs program Hafta-e-Rafta was a recap of president’s activities.
- An unwritten ban was imposed on the so called “undesirable” writers, poets, and journalists.
- The famous speech of Quaid-e-Azam on the eve of the Independence Day 1947 at the inauguration of the first National Assembly was censored; also, the Quaid’s motto: “Unity, Faith and Discipline” was altered to read “Faith, Unity and Discipline” by Zia-ul-Haq himself.
After Bhutto’s execution in 1979, the quantum of Zia’s TV coverage increased. He took a number of extraordinary agonizing actions which were given wide publicity under the press advice. These included: Banning of political parties; arresting and flogging of journalists and political workers; character assassination of opposition leaders; mega coverage of the dubious presidential referendum.
Zia began to enjoy maximum TV coverage. He had become addicted to seeing himself on television every day.
Benazir Bhutto
Benazir Bhutto had two short terms in power in 1988 and in 1993 as prime minister. Her government was dismissed twice under Article 58(2)b of the Constitution, first in 1990 by President Ghulam Ishaq Khan and then by her own appointed President Farooq Leghari in 1996.
Benazir and her Pakistan People’s Party’s victory in the 1988 elections ushered in a new democratic era in Pakistani politics. Soon after taking oath as prime minister on December 2, she set the tone for change.
She legalised labour union rights, withdrew censorship on the print media, lifted restrictions on NGOs, allowed political parties access to radio and television. These developments were well-received by media.
A new feature in the electronic media was the introduction of capsule comments by members of parliament both from the government and opposition benches.
As for PTV, Benazir proved non-interfering type. The affairs of the information policy were handled by her media managers. There were no real problems in the beginning but a series of issues surfaced as a result of the conflict between her and Nawaz Sharif, the Chief Minister of Punjab. Thus began a media war. During her second term Benazir took some major decisions concerning the electronic media.
In 1989, a semi-government TV channel People’s Television Network (PTN) was taken. It was a totally new idea – no studio and no production equipment, only transmitters in selected cities, and sale of air time to private sector. The PTN took news programmes from PTV and from international satellite channels. That is how Pakistanis got to watch the Iraq War in 1992 on CNN.
Benazir also allowed the first 24-hour FM radio in the private sector. This was the beginning of the private sector radio and TV channels.
Mian Nawaz Sharif
Mian Mohammad Nawaz Sharif, chief of the Pakistan Muslim League (N) was Prime Minister for two non-consecutive terms;
Like some leaders Nawaz Sharif had a tendency to shyness; he hesitated talking to journalists, particularly foreigners; always reluctant to give radio and TV interviews.
Sharif’s relationship with the media was quite cordial, particularly the press. He was quite patronising towards some journalists. At times, he went out of his way to please them, sometimes with lucrative postings.
In spite of being media shy, Sharif benefited a lot from television. A “phone-in” programme was launched on PTV in which he took questions from people with complaints and issued orders on the spot. He also visited victims of abuse, especially women, for consolation and compensation, of course not without PTV cameras.
During his second term, Sharif adopted an aggressive attitude towards the media, particularly Dawn, the Jang Group, Newsline, Takbeer and some journalists as well.
General Pervez Musharraf
General Pervez Musharraf was a dictator with a difference! He overthrew Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s elected government in the ground-to-air high drama of `hijacking’ that took place in the high skies over Karachi between General Musharraf and Nawaz Sharif on October 12, 1999.
On the same evening PTV went off air for five hours, first time in Pakistan’s history.
In his first formal address General Musharraf spoke briefly about the circumstances which led to military action.
His next TV address was to be from Islamabad. Once again the TV authorities were put on high alert. But for three days nothing happened. The general was supposedly consulting his advisers about a suitable title for himself. He did not want to be called prime minister or chief martial law administrator. Eventually, he agreed on “Chief Executive” courtesy Sharifuddin Pirzada, Musharraf’s legal counsellor.
In his television address on October 17, 1999 General Musharraf spelt out his seven-point agenda which included the role of media as well:
The media forms an integral part of statehood in this era of information. I have great regard and respect for the media; I trust it to play a positive and constructive role. I am a firm believer in the freedom of press and am even considering liberalising the policy on the establishment of private television and radio channels.
On the political front, in the footsteps of a former military ruler, General Zia-ul- Haq, General Musharraf called a referendum on April 30, 2002 with no competition and no choice.
The voluntary turnout was negligible even then the voting continued all day
Shehr mein hoo ka alam tha
Jinn tha ya referendum tha
Just like General Yahya, during occasional visits to the PTV, Musharraf would often mix around with the staff. Talking about his long association with PTV he once said: “My relationship with PTV is very old. When I was posted at Quetta, I used to take my wife to the TV centre regularly where she read Urdu news.”
Musharraf’s fondness for entertainment, especially music, was quite known. During the occasional fun sessions held at the President House he was seen nodding his head and tapping his feet. In ideal circumstances he would even sing along or let loose his legs and limbs in keeping with the rhythm and mood of the evening.
Until this time it seemed all was well – but all was not well. Private TV channels, let loose by General Musharraf, had achieved instant popularity and started exercising unchecked freedom. They thrived doing bold news bulletins and loud panel discussions with little regard for PEMRA rules.
As for the role of PEMRA, its performance was good in the early days, but gradually it became a tool in the hands of the government.
November 3, 2007. Musharraf imposed emergency in the country. This was the last news private TV channels broadcast before they went off air. The government started intimidating certain media organizations and their staff. But they responded by exhibiting exemplary resilience.
Musharraf gave in under local and foreign pressure. The six-week emergency was lifted on December 16 and most of the TV channels were back on air.
This was the end of General Musharraf’s rule.